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00:00:10Hello dear viewers, we're back with another hourglass!
00:00:14We are addressing the topics that are currently in the news.
00:00:16Every Saturday, you know.
00:00:19We are trying to get in touch with Professor Efe.
00:00:23As soon as the connection is established, Professor Mehmet Efe Çeman, a politically conscious scholar, will be with us.
00:00:28If we can establish the connection.
00:00:31With such a busy schedule, the valuable journalist Doğan Ertuğrul is the one whose support we turn to.
00:00:37You know him, as viewers of this program.
00:00:41Sometimes you complain, saying you want to see Doğan Ertuğrul more often.
00:00:45Here is Doğan Ertuğrul with us.
00:00:47Welcome, Mr. Doğan.
00:00:48Hello, nice to meet you. Have a good broadcast, Mr. Hamit.
00:00:51I hope you are well.
00:00:53Thanks, I'm fine. Everything is alright. I hope everything is alright for you too.
00:00:56Thank you so much. I appreciate it very much.
00:00:59Keeping up with this agenda is truly more than just hard work.
00:01:03How do you cope?
00:01:06You also have a website called Kronos, and a program you do with Mr. Yekta every week.
00:01:14Are you finding it difficult to keep up with current events?
00:01:16May God help ordinary citizens.
00:01:19Honestly, as a regular citizen, a viewer and reader, following the program could be quite enjoyable.
00:01:25If you want, you can choose not to follow, or you can say "I'm interested in this, I'm not interested in that," but professionally, following is mandatory.
00:01:33Of course, that's a different situation.
00:01:35In fact, when I talk to many of my friends and acquaintances, I say that I have to follow them.
00:01:38So, it's our job to follow these things, to keep track of them, but thankfully, we naturally have a certain level of interest.
00:01:47For example, the main topic of discussion in Türkiye today is a portfolio management operation.
00:01:52I mean, may God help the economic journalists, they're working really hard these days.
00:01:58We are trying to make the most of our share from there, but that's as much as we can do given the nature of our work.
00:02:05Yes, it's being compared to the big crisis of 2001.
00:02:11So, something pretty historic is probably happening.
00:02:14Seven of the portfolio companies are major players, including companies like Tera, Pusla, Hedef, and Atlas.
00:02:21We're talking about the disappearance of money from 131 funds they owned, amounting to over 20 billion.
00:02:30I also try to understand the economy by following valuable journalists who cover the subject.
00:02:37There are a very large number of victims.
00:02:39So I'm seeing numbers between 550,000 and 1 million or 2 million.
00:02:44Previously, when there was a major crisis like this, it had very political consequences.
00:02:48Right now, how would this have such socio-political consequences?
00:02:55Everyone is already watching the crisis.
00:02:58The central bank fired 5 billion dollars into the air.
00:03:02Of course, there are a lot of details.
00:03:04Akın Gürlek, the Minister of Justice, is at the center of this operation, as he is in every operation.
00:03:09So, Akın Gürlek is in charge of Türkiye.
00:03:11But it has an interesting aspect.
00:03:14We have to emphasize this.
00:03:16This is clearly a massive scam.
00:03:21Citizens have been taken advantage of by these inflated, fraudulent companies.
00:03:27But the Capital Markets Board (SPK) is in a supervisory position in this matter.
00:03:31It's essentially keeping a health report card for these companies.
00:03:36And there's an important figure in its leadership as well.
00:03:39Akın Gürlek has a wife.
00:03:42There are some interesting things, but could such a large earthquake really happen?
00:03:47It's essentially about both economics and politics.
00:03:50So, you know, we can say that the AKP was brought about by the crises of 2000 and 2001.
00:03:58So, this crisis involves assets worth $20 billion.
00:04:03Normally, governments are supposed to take care of it, right?
00:04:05Nothing will happen.
00:04:06We all know this.
00:04:07Nothing will happen to the regime either.
00:04:09The government doesn't even exist anymore, but the minister will be unharmed.
00:04:12Because that's the kind of regime it is now.
00:04:14These things no longer have the potential to create change within the regime, within the government, within the power structure.
00:04:23You mentioned the crisis of 2001.
00:04:25I've seen comments from economic journalists suggesting it's possible to take it back even further.
00:04:32The banking crisis is similar to the Banker-Castellio crisis of the past few years.
00:04:35The story there, and I hope our viewers will excuse the market conditions, involved bankers who swindled millions, even hundreds of millions of dollars at the time.
00:04:44Then the state had to pay all of their debts to the public.
00:04:49Some say that in the current situation it is actually very similar to that.
00:04:52Now portfolio companies have been seized, assets have been confiscated, managers have been arrested, and fund companies and so on have been established.
00:05:00But as you said, Akın Gürlek is here too, in Türkiye, the land of operations, the republic of operations, and the middleman's operation, the drug operation,
00:05:10Celebrity operations, organized crime operations, and so on.
00:05:12For example, where was the government until we reached this stage?
00:05:15Where is this thing called the state?
00:05:17Where was the government until we reached this point?
00:05:19One of these portfolio management companies is the one you mentioned regarding the Capital Markets Board (SPK).
00:05:24Alkin, who already advises the President, is on the board of directors of one of these portfolio companies.
00:05:31In the board of directors, there's already this idea that in August 2025, Mehmet Şimşek will be involved in speculation on the stock market and so on.
00:05:38It is said that he issued a warning or something like that.
00:05:40So what happened next?
00:05:42Nothing happened.
00:05:42Akın Gürlek arrived and performed the operation.
00:05:45And in this operation, there is no political responsibility, no institutional responsibility, no accountability to the government.
00:05:51A few scapegoats are found, they are thrown in jail, their assets are confiscated, and so on.
00:05:56It continues like this.
00:05:57Something happened here yesterday that shouldn't be overlooked.
00:06:01So, as you mentioned, portfolio management companies are being seized, and therefore many funds are being shut down, and so on.
00:06:09One hundred and thirty-one funds.
00:06:11And what happened yesterday, Mr. Abdulhamit?
00:06:15Uh, Erdoğan's son-in-law Bayraktar, Selçuk Bayraktar, owns a fund company, uh, a portfolio management company, sorry, Tuna Portfolio, in June.
00:06:27It was established in [month] and was added to the system yesterday.
00:06:30Look, on the day the market was in chaos, turned upside down, and portfolio companies were seized, the President's son-in-law was working with a portfolio management company.
00:06:41He is logging into the system.
00:06:42What comes to my mind is that all these operations, these political operations, are about paving the way for Bilal Erdoğan, about clearing the area.
00:06:50Could this be happening not just in the defense industry, but also in finance, to pave the way for the son-in-law?
00:06:59It's also perfectly possible.
00:07:01Isn't this timing human error? I mean, at least let it not happen today, let the dust settle a bit, let things get this bad.
00:07:09Given how complicated things are, wouldn't people say that the President's son-in-law's portfolio company shouldn't be allowed into the system?
00:07:14No, they enter without shedding a single tear.
00:07:18The cost of this will, of course, fall on the public.
00:07:22That aspect is largely overlooked.
00:07:25Millions, even twenty billion dollars are being collected from the market, and the whereabouts of this money are unknown.
00:07:30Now the public will have to pay for this.
00:07:33Will it have a political outcome?
00:07:34No, it won't produce results, it won't have political consequences.
00:07:36So, you mentioned the Capital Markets Board (SPK), and the Minister of Economy himself is involved in this, yet no one is looking for any political responsibility.
00:07:43Everyone is talking about Akın Gürley's heroic operation.
00:07:46We talk and discuss everything as if it happened under a different regime, during a different period of power.
00:07:54Akın Gürley acts as if he is the first to have come to power, to govern, along with this regime.
00:08:00He's conducting operations; there are similar cases from previous Ministers of Justice and others.
00:08:07In fact, it's great that the Minister of Economy is Akın Gürley, the Minister of Interior is Akın Gürley, and soon the Minister of National Defense will also be Akın Gürley, and so on and so forth.
00:08:14it could be.
00:08:15There was a time when everything revolved around Erdoğan; everything was Erdoğan.
00:08:18It currently appears that Akın Gürley, under Erdoğan's patronage, is taking over all the business in Erdoğan's name.
00:08:23Yes, yes, it's also very interesting that the state's most important duty is to monitor and control.
00:08:34Now I'm thinking something, I don't know if it's right.
00:08:36The Dervish laws had come into effect, meaning that during the 2000 crisis, the banks were looted, as you know.
00:08:43Then, with those laws, banks became somewhat protected.
00:08:48But this means that those who are shrewd have now found some openings in the stock market.
00:08:54They walked from there.
00:08:56But for example, as you may have seen, and as our viewers may have seen, I...
00:09:02In 2025, this company, Tera, is important right now; it's one of the significant portfolios and companies in distress.
00:09:11It's described in detail, with its name explicitly mentioned, in these photos; of course, it's been launched everywhere.
00:09:16This person is like a really rich guy or something.
00:09:19Someone is talking about the stock market in 2025.
00:09:23They say they take blank papers and inflate them.
00:09:26Then people think there must be some profit to be made here, so they jump at the chance and come here, and so on.
00:09:33So the warnings mean the state has failed to do its job.
00:09:35So the government didn't do its job, the CPK (Commercial Capital Markets Board), the stock exchange, etc., didn't do their job.
00:09:40So, healthy, sensible people have issued warnings.
00:09:43But despite that, quite a few people have gathered there.
00:09:45They also have a responsibility here, of course.
00:09:48So, from what I've seen in the media, they've said that economic journalists and such aren't normal jobs.
00:09:56Even foreign investors have issued numerous warnings, stating that the stock market is not in a very good position and is not reliable.
00:10:06But as always, people didn't listen.
00:10:11It's a shame, I don't know which segment of the population went there, I wonder if there were also people from the AKP's base?
00:10:23They are on the boards of directors.
00:10:24But I wonder if the people who put up this money are also from the AKP's base?
00:10:29Perhaps then the pain will be felt even more.
00:10:31Or is it too much...?
00:10:32How could you not feel it at all?
00:10:33Yes, first of all, did I say something wrong?
00:10:36It's Selçuk Bayraktar's fund company, not Berat Albayrak's.
00:10:39Let's fix that, please.
00:10:41Selçuk Bayraktar's fund company is Tuna Portfolio.
00:10:44And it was publicly announced that they would buy companies in the defense industry, buy other companies, and invest in them, but it was something else entirely.
00:10:55It is said that a portfolio company has been established to acquire companies in the defense industry.
00:10:59Now, in this case too, we're talking about 115,000 people.
00:11:05So, we're talking about 115,000 people who lost their money in the fund.
00:11:10And this figure could be much higher.
00:11:12Economics is something journalists would know.
00:11:14This might not be limited to just the AKP base, that's for sure.
00:11:18Because it was presented to the public as our domestic and national fund company, portfolio company, and so on.
00:11:24It seems that everything has its own local and national version.
00:11:27That's how this thing was presented to the public in Tera.
00:11:32Here, of course, they'll place the responsibility on the managers of these portfolio companies, but we're not sure if they'll hold the alkynes responsible.
00:11:41It is well known that Erdoğan has a family under his protection in the palace.
00:11:44But ultimately, the government will have to pay their debts.
00:11:49That's why the banker scandal is given as an example.
00:11:52Castelli was also involved in the banking scandal.
00:11:54We learned about the concept of a banker from television commercials in the 1980s.
00:11:59Wow, there were bankers.
00:12:00They had defrauded the market on an incredibly large scale.
00:12:02Economic journalists say that it's almost exactly the same thing, although time may pass and the methods might differ.
00:12:10This is very interesting.
00:12:12All of this can only be done with the gradual oversight, control, and consent of the relevant institutions of the regime, the Capital Markets Board, the ministry, the Financial Crimes Investigation Board, whoever is responsible.
00:12:24Everyone already knows it's possible.
00:12:26But ultimately, first and foremost, the Minister of Justice intervenes through the Attorney General's office, and the Minister of Justice is the one who decides what happens.
00:12:35And then the Minister of Justice disappears.
00:12:38It's very clear that this was something specially planned.
00:12:40I would like to say one more thing.
00:12:42The fact that Sözcük Bayraktar went into the field with a portfolio company and entered the system on the same day is all too significant.
00:12:50well.
00:12:51Come on, at least stay away from here, brother.
00:12:53No, they won't stop, they aren't stopping.
00:12:55Yes.
00:12:56So we are expecting another operation from Akın Gürlek.
00:12:59Among those in the SSK administration who failed to perform their duties are family members, including the spouses Elif, Elif Güldal, Gülşah, and Mrs. Gürlek.
00:13:15He is receiving.
00:13:17It's a shame, when do we ever talk about this?
00:13:20Türkiye is considering selling bridges worth 20 billion dollars, Mr. Doğan.
00:13:25To earn 3-4 billion dollars, and here's the oil that just appeared on screen.
00:13:33Something came up, there's a cartoon.
00:13:36It's very beautiful, they must have drawn it universally.
00:13:39He says, "How many drops?" That character is the one asking.
00:13:43It has exceeded 100 lira.
00:13:46I don't know.
00:13:46May God help those living in Türkiye who are not complicit in these crimes, who are not partners in them, and who wish to live their lives innocently.
00:13:56That's a really meaningful cartoon.
00:13:58That $100 is more than 100 Turkish Lira, sorry.
00:14:02I wanted to check what the population size was in Türkiye before this one-party, one-man regime was established.
00:14:10Professor Doğan, this was 6 lira in 2018.
00:14:14So, when they switched to a presidential system, a one-man rule system, I thought I'd do a little calculation to see how much it had increased.
00:14:21So, in fact, I think this is also the performance of a one-party, one-man system.
00:14:26The scandal we just discussed isn't actually something that should be written about by the Capital Markets Board (SPK) or anything like that.
00:14:31So, the system is in charge, isn't everything connected to the palace?
00:14:35Isn't it true that all these people are being moved around to different places by a decree?
00:14:39The palace is responsible for everything.
00:14:42It's important not to overlook the fact that there's very little noise there.
00:14:45Can't you think about consultants and all that?
00:14:47Their advisors are in those important positions.
00:14:51The pool sponsors are the ones taking the money.
00:14:54They are the sponsors of all those pool shows, news programs, A Haber, ATV, and so on.
00:15:00The calculation is 1548%.
00:15:06Would it be wrong to draw such a conclusion?
00:15:09So this is actually the economic price Türkiye is paying for this one-man regime.
00:15:15So, regardless of your ideology, party, or beliefs, this is a bill that has been presented to you.
00:15:22The regime isn't actually working.
00:15:23Of course, there is actually that, the regime, and that's what I'm always trying to say.
00:15:30I think one of his greatest skills is creating the illusion of power, creating the illusion of success.
00:15:35Of course, this becomes quite possible if you block the public's access to information to this extent.
00:15:40Through your trolls or your own media.
00:15:41But it's very clear that this is the case, just think about the price increases; a very large portion of our friends we spoke to in Türkiye are experiencing this.
00:15:49When we start a conversation with friends with whom we never discuss prices, price hikes, or expensive things, they're the ones complaining about the increases.
00:15:56They start the conversation by complaining about the prices.
00:15:59And the political responsibility for this, the regime's responsibility, is being very skillfully concealed, or rather, attempts are being made to conceal it.
00:16:05A few days ago I saw a news item, it was so significant, I think it was on T24.
00:16:10The first news is about this exorbitant price operation, again being carried out by the ministry, of course, targeting markets and other places for exorbitant prices.
00:16:18The ministry is not allowing it to be opened.
00:16:20The second piece of news is that there's an unprecedented price increase of 100 lira on diesel fuel.
00:16:27How does this happen?
00:16:28So you're conducting a wholesale operation at the market, and then the next news story is "you're responsible for this," followed by an unprecedented, historic price increase on diesel fuel.
00:16:37It's quite clear that this is the reason.
00:16:39That thing was there too, we keep forgetting, don't we?
00:16:42Didn't we have a debate about the onion mafia and the potato mafia a few years ago?
00:16:47Because before the 2023 elections, they were preoccupied with the absurdity of the "onion and potato mafia" plotting to completely overthrow the regime and gain power.
00:16:58the country was made
00:16:59It's quite clear that this is the stage we've reached.
00:17:01This needs to be said very clearly.
00:17:05Let's start with the incredibly large economy that the government itself possesses.
00:17:08He can speak separately from the others.
00:17:10He has had incredibly huge failures, and he tries to skillfully conceal them.
00:17:15To give a very simple example, I can check every viewer's results with a Google search.
00:17:19This government had targets for 2023, didn't it?
00:17:22Erdoğan had centenary goals that he announced in every rally and public square.
00:17:26He didn't even come close to achieving any of his economic goals, yet he's still trying to run a campaign about being a great country and all that.
00:17:37There was that thing again, wasn't there?
00:17:39"We'll solve it," he continues.
00:17:41There is a huge problem, economic hardship, unfortunately, unfortunately, unfortunately, in the country.
00:17:47They are also trying to skillfully conceal the responsibility for this.
00:17:50This is similar to portfolio management.
00:17:52Hey buddy, can you take a look at this investigation?
00:17:54A scapegoat has been found in the buddy investigation.
00:17:57So that's all I can say.
00:17:59Apparently, everyone knew he was a gambler.
00:18:01A man who was known by everyone to be a gambler.
00:18:04Look, the name doesn't matter, right? Haluk Demet?
00:18:06How could you allow him to be involved in such a massive operation, brother?
00:18:11Known by everyone.
00:18:11Now he's declaring it a goat herding goat.
00:18:13The operation itself is said to be worth $20 billion.
00:18:17You mentioned the sale of bridges.
00:18:19This is a period when areas of cooperation have been reopened with the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, when they have gone from being enemies to being friends again.
00:18:30Headlines are flashing about $5 billion or $7 billion in investments from the Gulf, right?
00:18:38We're talking about an amount that is four to five times greater than what was expected to come from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates at that time.
00:18:46But there's nothing.
00:18:47Here, he is cooperating with Akın Gür.
00:18:49There's an atmosphere suggesting that the mafia, or scammers, or portfolio companies, are being cleaned up or something like that.
00:18:57We shouldn't fall into this trap.
00:18:59But no matter how much the pro-government media portrays it, they also need to acknowledge the public's perspective, that this is money stolen from the people, and
00:19:06If this is to be paid for, then I think it will be paid by this side, just like in the case of banks, like the story of Castelsanship, the story of banking.
00:19:15It is necessary.
00:19:16I don't understand it either; the companies committed theft, and the state turned a blind eye.
00:19:20Then, again, the state will pay for the damage.
00:19:25In other words, it's something that will be deducted from the taxpayer who pays their taxes.
00:19:29The one who pays the price is the most innocent one.
00:19:33So why should people who pay their taxes and haven't been involved in these shady dealings or accessed those funds pay for this ridiculous theft and embezzlement?
00:19:42I can't understand it either.
00:19:44Okay, I understand the victims who ended up here; they've been deceived in some way.
00:19:49But they went in despite all the warnings.
00:19:52Now imagine that you are not a part of this at all.
00:19:56You are a citizen living in Maraş or Erzurum.
00:19:58You have no connection with the stock market.
00:20:00These ridiculous guys really shook things up and ruined the atmosphere, okay?
00:20:06So, let's see, the state will pay for it through agriculture, so what is that person supposed to pay for?
00:20:12Unrelated people.
00:20:13Perhaps there's something like this, Mr. Hamit.
00:20:16Perhaps we think differently there.
00:20:18Now, this isn't just a process related to the negligence of the public, that is, the state, that is, the government.
00:20:26The state itself is deliberately conducting this operation.
00:20:29So, imagine when assets are seized as part of an investigation; what's the first reaction?
00:20:36Capital is changing hands.
00:20:38Capital is changing hands through state intervention.
00:20:40The state, of course, robs society through portfolio companies, funds, and other means.
00:20:50He's clearly the one robbing her.
00:20:52You know, there's this very simple thing, it's a cliché that all economists use.
00:20:56So the easiest way to collect taxes is through inflation.
00:20:58Finished.
00:20:59Point.
00:20:59Nothing else is needed.
00:21:00The cleanest form of tax collection is the one that ignites inflation.
00:21:03The role of the state and the public here is not about negligence.
00:21:07He's the main actor.
00:21:09So, he is the perpetrator himself, he is the one turning a blind eye, he is the one organizing this, giving it to his cronies, supporters, whoever he is giving it to.
00:21:21Now let's look at what I've been talking about in the past few weeks.
00:21:24The government wants Binali Yıldırım to bring his assets back to Türkiye.
00:21:27Whether the state can normally force the repatriation of assets held abroad is a separate issue, but they do.
00:21:33Is Binali Yıldırım's so-called asset a normally acquired asset?
00:21:38So isn't it obvious that this itself is ill-gotten gain, obtained through corruption?
00:21:44The same thing applies to the Melih Gökçek story.
00:21:46It's the same with Erdoğan himself.
00:21:48So, is the asset in question itself an earnable fortune?
00:21:52Let's get straight to the point: Selçuk Bayraktar's story.
00:21:57Imagine that the list of Türkiye's richest people constantly includes things like Türkiye's UAVs, armed drones, and so on.
00:22:03So, they are a major exporter of defense products and so on.
00:22:08But isn't it pretty obvious that these projects are being carried out with support from the public sector, starting from the municipalities, and using allocated areas?
00:22:15Therefore, the state itself, the public sphere itself, the regime itself is the perpetrator of this.
00:22:21It's not just a matter of negligence or incompetence.
00:22:25I think the thing itself is running the operation.
00:22:27I think this is also the case in operations with these portfolio companies.
00:22:32Yes, so this is an open system of theft that has become a regime, it governs the country, and theft has increased from top to bottom, that's the nature of the system.
00:22:46main code.
00:22:47The main code for this is actually, he said, that when a similar scam involving these banks happened in 2000, it completely destroyed the whole system.
00:22:56did.
00:22:57So their parties completely nullified the power they held that day.
00:23:00They brought the AKP, which didn't even exist and wasn't even established by name, to power in a very short time.
00:23:06Now, something like that would actually be expected, but there's nothing like that in the opposition.
00:23:12They're the ones who commit the robbery, they're the ones who act as lookouts, and they're the ones who carry out the operation.
00:23:20Thanks to Akın Gürlek.
00:23:22Is there nothing left for the opposition to say?
00:23:24So where is the opposition?
00:23:25Or is it because he's keeping the opposition preoccupied with these operations that they can't even raise their heads?
00:23:30I think that's part of the story, but aren't these the days when the opposition will shine brightest?
00:23:37Why don't we see anything like that?
00:23:39Actually, I think you've already given part of the answer to the question yourself.
00:23:43First of all, we're not in the same place we were in the 2000s.
00:23:47A regime was established.
00:23:49A one-man regime has been established, and we will probably talk about this one-man regime later.
00:23:55He is planning a Türkiye without elections.
00:23:57He's moving towards it step by step.
00:23:59Regardless of the circumstances in the 2000s, there was a parliamentary system in place.
00:24:04The elections had a meaning.
00:24:06Even if it was flawed in one way or another, parliament had a meaning, parties had a meaning, courts had a meaning, the high courts had a meaning.
00:24:14The judiciary had a meaning, the media had a meaning, one way or another.
00:24:18We are not in those circumstances.
00:24:20So we are in a situation where political competition is not possible.
00:24:23How do we know this?
00:24:24Yes, the February 28th events happened, and all sorts of other things, it's a long story, but ultimately, Erdoğan founded his party during that period.
00:24:31He marched towards power.
00:24:32Now, we're talking about Erdoğan being imprisoned on February 28th or later.
00:24:39The presidential candidate has been in prison for a year and a half, accused of corruption, espionage, and other crimes by the most corrupt government in the history of the Republic.
00:24:49It's unclear when it will be released.
00:24:51And that was discussed last week, wasn't it?
00:24:53And Abdülkadir Selvi wrote it.
00:24:55What did Mansur Yavaş say after meeting with President Erdoğan? "I can't go to jail at this age."
00:25:00What's wrong? Why are you going to jail?
00:25:01Because there's no guarantee he won't be thrown in jail if he runs for office.
00:25:04They're saying it very openly.
00:25:06There is no guarantee that Özgür Özel will not be imprisoned.
00:25:09They are already getting the public used to this.
00:25:11The conditions we have now are in no way comparable to the conditions of the 2000s.
00:25:16Secondly, given the form in which a regime has consolidated itself, there is no such thing as room for maneuver for the opposition.
00:25:24Let's make it clear, shall we?
00:25:26So, it's been two weeks?
00:25:27Ten days.
00:25:28Look, in Üsküdar, they openly seized the municipality through ballot boxes.
00:25:34What's wrong?
00:25:35There is assault, kidnapping, unlawful detention, threats, blackmail, and bribery.
00:25:41And it has all.
00:25:42They all exist, and they're waiting for the same thing to be done to the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality.
00:25:46Everyone is waiting.
00:25:47There are celebrations for her.
00:25:48Shamelessness is at the very beginning.
00:25:50They held celebrations for him.
00:25:51The man is out there speaking.
00:25:52They are accepting congratulations like a newly elected mayor.
00:25:56Of course, of course.
00:25:57Perhaps it would be useful to mention this there.
00:26:00They are genuinely trying to convince the public of this.
00:26:03They are speaking from such a threshold.
00:26:05So, in an election they haven't lost, in an election they can't win, it doesn't matter who wins.
00:26:12That position was unjustly usurped.
00:26:15Even if we take it by force, they are trying to convince the public that we are only taking what is rightfully ours.
00:26:20So, they're saying that those who belonged to the nation have returned to the nation.
00:26:23Is there more?
00:26:24We remember an example of this, right?
00:26:26While seizing newspapers, television stations, colleges, schools, and dormitories, they claimed that what belonged to the nation had been returned to the nation.
00:26:34That was the slogan of the Gasp.
00:26:36In the current situation, the justification for seizing property has clearly turned back on the nation, which is the nation itself.
00:26:42Therefore, the opposition should certainly be able to do so.
00:26:45In any case, the opposition should be able to do it.
00:26:47But at this stage, the opposition is in a state of shock, as if they've been put through an operation.
00:26:54Yes, I mean, he's completely disoriented from the operation.
00:26:56I'm not going to elaborate on the possibility of Mansur Yavaş's arrest.
00:27:01Things like the processes within the CHP (Republican People's Party).
00:27:02Immunity dossiers and such are being sent to Özgür Özel.
00:27:05Therefore, unfortunately, the conversation always comes back to that.
00:27:10This regime has left, and continues to leave, no alternative for the opposition outside of the streets.
00:27:16Whether this can be done or not is a separate issue, but let's create public opinion, let's do something else, by saying this about the regime, its corruption, lawlessness, usurpation, and property...
00:27:26With the collapse and the disregard for the ballot box, I can say something very simple: there seems to be nothing left to be done.
00:27:32Because in the election process in Üsküdar, the municipal council was elected, then it went to court, there was a court case and so on, and a new election was held.
00:27:41Where is the Supreme Election Board?
00:27:43Where is the Supreme Election Board?
00:27:45In this country, there is only one person responsible for elections, and the decisions of the Supreme Election Board cannot be challenged in court in any way.
00:27:56The Supreme Election Board's decision is not mentioned by name.
00:28:00The election is being held under these conditions.
00:28:01Elections are supposedly being held under these conditions.
00:28:04Under these conditions, municipalities are being seized, offices are being usurped.
00:28:08Therefore, the opposition doesn't have much room for maneuver, but I said that the opposition, of course, doesn't have much room for maneuver.
00:28:15He can't bring himself to call me brother from my place.
00:28:16We will see if they can create opposition out of necessity.
00:28:20Of course, there are a lot of hesitations there.
00:28:24From Akın Gürley's statement, I've now received an indication that they will implement a system similar to the one in Üsküdar throughout Türkiye.
00:28:33You must have seen what he's saying.
00:28:34He says that in 2028, we will have an election where the people will once again elect Erdoğan.
00:28:41I wrote on it too.
00:28:43At least some good jokes were made.
00:28:45"Just tell us the percentage already so we don't have to bother with it," he said.
00:28:48One of them wrote this:
00:28:50He said something like, "Why are you bothering with this? Just sort it out among yourselves."
00:28:54Is it ok?
00:28:55How did you feel when you saw this?
00:28:57Look at the statement, what does it say?
00:28:59An election will be held in 2028 to re-elect the President.
00:29:04Of course, of course.
00:29:06Let me tell you the story of this thing.
00:29:07That came to my mind yesterday when I saw this.
00:29:10It's said for many different places, but everyone, all our viewers, may have heard it before.
00:29:15Nevertheless, I will say it.
00:29:17Hosni Mubarak, as you know, wins elections with 80-90% of the vote or something like that.
00:29:22There's a joke being told about the then-American President saying something like, "How's that possible?" to Hosni Mubarak.
00:29:29He said, "I'll send my advisors to you; they'll help you win that election too."
00:29:33He sent his advisors.
00:29:35Hosni Mubarak won in America with 90 percent of the vote.
00:29:37So it's pretty clear that this is exactly the situation.
00:29:40So, he's not saying we're going to have an election.
00:29:42An election will be held.
00:29:43Our President will be elected, and our President will be re-elected.
00:29:47He doesn't say "that's what we believe" or anything like that.
00:29:49An election will be held to re-elect our President.
00:29:52What does this mean?
00:29:53If our President is not elected, it means we do not recognize this election.
00:29:56Oh yes.
00:29:57It's clear.
00:29:57That's all it means.
00:29:59What else could it be?
00:30:00So we know this from 2018, right?
00:30:03Not even the president himself.
00:30:05We saw this in the Üsküdar example until their own candidate was elected.
00:30:08Look, they lost the election again until their own candidate was elected.
00:30:12Then they lost in the city council elections.
00:30:16They took him to court.
00:30:17They forced a rerun of the municipal council election, and after narrowly escaping the election and bringing the candidate to a point where he could be elected, as I said before, they said, "Okay, we've won the election."
00:30:27This is a rehearsal.
00:30:28A very clear rehearsal.
00:30:29I can say this with confidence.
00:30:31That's what I tried to say.
00:30:32This is a rehearsal for Türkiye without elections, or for how the next election will be conducted.
00:30:36But Erdoğan and his regime will not be satisfied with this rehearsal.
00:30:39Unless there's a huge surprise, Erdoğan will conduct the same rehearsal in Istanbul before the election.
00:30:45And they will present it as a show of force.
00:30:47So you're saying it will be tested in Üsküdar, Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, before it's implemented in Türkiye?
00:30:55Absolutely, I mean, before that election bidding process started, you might have forgotten about Üsküdar.
00:31:01Look, brother, you might have forgotten what we did in Üsküdar.
00:31:04We are doing this right before your eyes, looking you straight in the eye, and moreover, we are saying this about your candidate, Ekrem İmamoğlu, whom you see as your biggest rival.
00:31:14In the municipality, I do this openly, demonstrating it.
00:31:17He will present this as a show of strength and go into the election that way, he will say.
00:31:21Unless there's a very, very big surprise, there's no escaping this.
00:31:25In fact, I can even say that while speaking with you on this program, I have very positive and favorable thoughts about Özgür Özel's performance.
00:31:32I said what I thought.
00:31:33But can you really say that a new party leader, or the leader of the main opposition party, might even be in the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality tomorrow, my friend?
00:31:40If you say that, if you open that door, he will walk through that door.
00:31:43He's paving the way for him to walk through that door.
00:31:45I don't think he's paved the way, but we need to see if he'll get there.
00:31:49He did a rehearsal of this in Üsküdar.
00:31:53I'm repeating this before the election.
00:31:55So, if you didn't understand, let me show you again, right in front of your eyes.
00:31:59"I will do this in Istanbul as well," Erdoğan will say.
00:32:01Because he sees it as a great display of power for himself, which of course it is.
00:32:08Here's how the election, whose timing is unknown but is scheduled for 2028, will be conducted.
00:32:14Akın Gürley's statement, specifically what will happen if he isn't elected, or if the possibility of him not being elected arises, is a separate issue.
00:32:23But I think this is a clear indication that they will not recognize the election results.
00:32:27But let's also emphasize this point.
00:32:28So, the people I feel most sorry for in Türkiye are those who genuinely have innocent dissenting views.
00:32:36So, in this political opposition, I mean, putting aside the kidnappings, offers, blackmail, and all that stuff that the AKP did...
00:32:47But there are many people in the opposition who are very willing and inclined to do such a thing.
00:32:52Here's an example ranging from the mayor of Tuzla to those who did certain things, immediately switching sides, even to CHP members in Üsküdar before the critical election.
00:33:04There are a lot of people.
00:33:05So, I see that the social opposition in that area is also very discouraging and disheartening.
00:33:10For example, this happened in Üsküdar, or the CHP faced a lot of trouble, but what this new party was able to do...
00:33:20The only thing is to hold rallies in certain cities of Anatolia.
00:33:24So it makes you forget about it, like, it feels like the IPEU (Instrument for Reduction in Blood Pressure) is being dispensed, like the tension is being lowered.
00:33:32So the local elections were in 2024, right?
00:33:37I liken it to the CHP's attempt, after becoming the leading party in Türkiye, to go to the palace and say, "Let's normalize things."
00:33:48So, this election is gone, the rule of law is gone, yet I still see things like that, for example, in the new party.
00:33:55Well, let's file a complaint with the judiciary, let a prosecutor come forward and sort this out.
00:34:00But it's not like that anymore, I mean, we were always talking about it, Russia will be there, Turkey will be there, Azerbaijan will be there, Egypt will be there, and now Syria...
00:34:07That's it, now.
00:34:08Here's Akın Gürley's statement: "We will do this to re-elect our President in 2028; this is the announcement."
00:34:15So, should the man say, "The elections in Türkiye are over now, brother"?
00:34:19So, is the de facto situation he created in Üsküdar complete?
00:34:22This is an indication that Türkiye is becoming like Syria, or rather, like blessed Egypt.
00:34:28And they're openly declaring this, I mean, these guys are beyond belief.
00:34:31I think the opposition still hasn't grasped this concept.
00:34:37I don't know why they're acting as if there's some kind of possibility to change things through elections or legal means.
00:34:45You say street, but what other way is there?
00:34:49But at least, the person who declares this to be a farce will either resign from parliament or do something.
00:34:56They go and hold normal rallies.
00:34:58As if holding a rally would actually do any good in this country.
00:35:02Statements, complaints to the Supreme Court, and so on.
00:35:05Ridiculous things, really.
00:35:06Brother, the whole scheme is already being orchestrated through the judiciary.
00:35:09What do you expect from this judgment?
00:35:12So, a lot can be said about the opposition's strategy, or the lack thereof.
00:35:20I completely agree with you on this point.
00:35:23So, sir, just like in a parliamentary system, it's like being in a state governed by the rule of law where elections are held, albeit slowly and inefficiently, while the opposition is...
00:35:30There will be no result.
00:35:31It's obvious.
00:35:32I've discussed the opposition's stance on freedom of expression in the face of the government's approach to this issue before, both on your program and with you.
00:35:40I think you're aware of some things, Özgür.
00:35:43For example, Bahçeli and Erdoğan constantly warned that you were inciting people to take to the streets.
00:35:49During the period when those rallies turned into shows of force, when the rallies held for freedom turned into shows of force.
00:35:55Özgür Özel said, "No, I'm not calling people to the streets."
00:35:58"I'll decide when to call them out into the street," he said.
00:35:59This needs to be emphasized.
00:36:01He said this several times.
00:36:02So he probably sees what's happening.
00:36:04Of course, it's necessary to develop opposition channels and strategies against this regime, but it's also important to see that the scope for this is very limited.
00:36:12On the one hand, yes, as much as possible, certain things—legal processes, election processes, candidacy processes—are about getting the maximum possible vote at the ballot box.
00:36:23He has to do things like reach out.
00:36:26But there are other things he has to do as well.
00:36:28Now it's very clear that opposition candidates can be bought off or threatened.
00:36:34Of course, this is a weakness of Turkish politics and not something unique to opposition parties.
00:36:41I'll come there.
00:36:41But we have no right to expect anyone to be a hero.
00:36:45So yes, heroism is required in a certain sense.
00:36:48Years ago, the late Ahmet Turan Alkan used to say that Türkiye needed a government that would commit suicide.
00:36:53Türkiye might need a suicidal opposition right now.
00:36:55That's where we might end up.
00:36:57But it's important to see that there's no other solution.
00:37:00We cannot expect heroism from people.
00:37:02Because people are being threatened with harm to their children.
00:37:05He is being threatened in relation to his family.
00:37:06So we were seeing this in the lawsuits against the Gülen movement, right?
00:37:10Look, in the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) lawsuits, a large number of the people being prosecuted had their children threatened.
00:37:15My family was threatened.
00:37:16My wife was threatened.
00:37:18The struggle is now taking place under these conditions.
00:37:22And I think it's important to see that this isn't easy.
00:37:26A second thing, perhaps something that is overlooked, is that the government, with great skill, conceals what is happening within its own ranks.
00:37:34They are directing all the spotlights on the opposition.
00:37:37For example, I realized the other day that I need to share my memories on every program.
00:37:41I believe Abdülkadir Selvi has published 8-10 headlines in the last year about the feud between İmamoğlu, Özgür Özel, and Mansur Yavaş.
00:37:51He keeps writing this.
00:37:52Fighting within the opposition, fighting within the opposition, fighting within the opposition.
00:37:55Look, last week Davutoğlu, who served as both the leader of the AKP and prime minister after Erdoğan, was summoned to give a statement.
00:38:04For insulting Erdoğan.
00:38:06Moreover, because he accused Erdoğan and his family of corruption.
00:38:11Davutoğlu accused Erdoğan and his family of corruption.
00:38:15He says, "You're corrupt, you've enriched your family, you've enriched your circle, you've handed over the country to five contractors."
00:38:22This isn't being talked about.
00:38:23Let's focus on İmamoğlu and Mansur Yavaş.
00:38:25Let's look at what Özgür Özel said.
00:38:27Now, and moreover, after Davutoğlu said this, he says, "I stand behind what I said."
00:38:32Now, they are skillfully concealing what is happening there, and we know that this is the government's strategy within the opposition.
00:38:39Honey, nothing will come of this, they're just fighting anyway, they're saying this and that.
00:38:43What's going on inside you?
00:38:44Why did you summon Melih Gökçe for questioning?
00:38:47Why did you summon Melih Gökçe for questioning?
00:38:48What was the issue?
00:38:50They are watching this being discussed.
00:38:51Moreover, the internal reckoning part is a separate matter.
00:38:54These things are happening right before the opposition's eyes.
00:38:58I think we need to see this trap as well.
00:39:00But as I said, this doesn't absolve the opposition of its responsibility.
00:39:05If you are the opposition party in Türkiye, the main opposition party, the leader of the main opposition, and you say that after the local elections we will change this regime.
00:39:16If you say, "I want to be the leader who changes this regime, who gets Türkiye's new president elected, I want to be the party leader," then you need to do what's necessary.
00:39:24You will fulfill it.
00:39:25Okay, but it's a routine process, like judicial procedures and all that, but setting a goal for society is important.
00:39:33It is necessary.
00:39:33An opposition party needs to be created.
00:39:36Of course, it's not possible to say that this is happening right now.
00:39:40I saw what happened last time, and I feel the need to say it.
00:39:43My dear Murat Sabuncu has been meeting with people in Ankara from the business world, bureaucracy, media, politics, and political circles who are not close to the government, but rather have an opposition identity.
00:39:56He wrote that he had met with people and that there was such an atmosphere of weariness, of listlessness, and of resignation.
00:40:04So the impression is that Erdoğan will probably continue for another term.
00:40:07This is exactly what Erdoğan and his regime, and similar regimes, want.
00:40:10I hope, let me say with the caveat that I hope...
00:40:14So, it's the summer lethargy, the parliament going on recess, the issue of the framework law, the judicial recess, whatever it is.
00:40:21But if tensions don't rise again, Erdoğan will do something very unacceptable after that, as I was trying to say earlier, while walking from Üsküdar towards the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality.
00:40:31It is something.
00:40:31Come on, during the election period in Üsküdar, on election day, the day of the municipal council elections, it's unacceptable that İmamoğlu wasn't there, that Özgür Üstü wasn't there.
00:40:40It is nothing.
00:40:41If the opposition doesn't prevent this in this way, it will jeopardize Türkiye's future.
00:40:48And it's not like, if Erdoğan and his regime are doing this, if certain segments of society have given the opposition a credit, if they have given that credit, then that credit...
00:40:58It is necessary to fulfill the requirements.
00:40:59If this isn't fulfilled, yes, Erdoğan will have the opportunity to go for another term, and then another.
00:41:05Unless there is a political project or team that obstructs it.
00:41:09Yes, isn't this final ascension of Mansur Yavaş to the presidential palace also significant in terms of conveying the sentiment of the opposition?
00:41:20So, the statement he made afterwards was something like, "I don't want to go to jail," or something like that – he didn't say it explicitly, of course, but that's what's being rumored.
00:41:29So, it kind of looked like he'd given up.
00:41:35Because Mansur Yavaş is also one of the important presidential candidates, a rival of Erdoğan, meaning we're talking about someone who could potentially be imprisoned.
00:41:43What party is he from? Isn't Mansur Yavaş's party the CHP?
00:41:46Even if the person has roots in the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party).
00:41:48After what happened to the CHP, I mean, going to the person who did this and all that, they said, "Okay, we also manage the municipality."
00:41:57It is this and that, but...
00:41:58I mean, I didn't find it reasonable.
00:42:00I mean, going and wishing for something like that, I mean, going and taking a picture together with someone who wants to eat you, and all that.
00:42:11I don't know, there's no way out of this.
00:42:14Perhaps Mansur Yavaş will avoid going to jail, but this won't lead to a future for democracy or the rule of law.
00:42:20I wish he would come out, I wish Erdoğan would give up and say, "Okay, I'm returning to democracy," but that's not the case; democracy will have to be returned to through struggle, or...
00:42:30We'll become a full-fledged British regime, in other words.
00:42:33Yes, so could a Baghdad regime be established in Türkiye? I don't think it could.
00:42:38We've discussed this before, and I don't think such a regime can be established.
00:42:40I think the problem is that Mansur Yavaş is already the hope of the opposition, given where Türkiye is now.
00:42:47So, while this might offend some of our viewers, Mansur Yavaş is a typical Turkish right-winger.
00:42:53The typical Turkish right-winger has nothing to offer Türkiye today.
00:42:57There's nothing.
00:42:58It's obvious.
00:42:59And imagine, sir, I'm running the municipality and so on and so forth.
00:43:02He's completely destroyed your party.
00:43:04You are close friends, comrades in destiny, you work together in three projects, Özgür Özel, İmamoğlu, etc., presented to the public as a trio.
00:43:14You're showing off.
00:43:15They have buried İmamoğlu in concrete, they want to bury him.
00:43:18Mansur Yavaş doesn't even have a quarter of the performance and courage that İmamoğlu has shown.
00:43:23Is this kind of politics even possible now?
00:43:24Imamoğlu is using his freedom of movement strategy, as long as he's out of prison, to show that he's still standing.
00:43:33"I'm running from court to court, handling a different case every day of the week," he says.
00:43:38They are being prevented from defending themselves in court.
00:43:41The defenses you're talking about are being banned—their books are being banned, their photographs are being banned, their speeches are being banned.
00:43:46Social media accounts are being banned, constantly banned, and then Mansur Yavaş says things like, "Oh, things are going smoothly there," "Oh, it's municipal affairs," and so on.
00:43:53Türkiye has long surpassed that threshold.
00:43:56Perhaps I can say this in terms of Mansur Yavaş, I hope so.
00:44:00Of course, it's about being able to manage these processes.
00:44:03Just as breaking away from the CHP means the new party is freeing itself from the baggage of the CHP,
00:44:10I think Mansur Yavaş's potential exclusion from the game, should it happen, could be a source of hope for his new party colleague.
00:44:15There is definitely hope because his certain attitude, his ambivalent attitude, his balanced approach, etc., came before the opposition's strategy.
00:44:23Because İmamoğlu, as I was trying to say earlier, doesn't even have the potential opposition capacity that Mansur Yavaş has.
00:44:31Imamoğlu's free-spirited approach might even create the potential for new energy and synergy.
00:44:37Because everyone's saying that, right?
00:44:40So, sir, he may have said or declared that he will not be a candidate.
00:44:44They're even making up stories like, "Could the regime perhaps field someone like Demirtaş to divide the opposition's candidate?"
00:44:51Such a possibility is being mentioned for the first round.
00:44:54Or Mansur Yavaş, there's a saying, like a "rabbit candidate" or something.
00:44:58So, the very fact that these things can be discussed should be considered shameful by Mansur Yavaş.
00:45:03Mansur Yavaş's statement, "I won't go to jail at this age," should have been condemned and denied in the strongest terms.
00:45:10Unfortunately, it didn't work out.
00:45:11It's something about this way of doing politics.
00:45:13In short, I believe that at the point Türkiye has reached, there is nothing that can be offered to Türkiye with the classic right-wing, center-right reflexes we know.
00:45:21And I think Mansur Yavaş's performance is an example of this.
00:45:24This was an important point, and we underlined it.
00:45:28There are two topics, actually there are many topics, but honestly, this is one of the most tiring days for me as I try to come up with the agenda for what we should talk about today.
00:45:35It happened.
00:45:36So, things range from operations with middlemen, to drug operations targeting celebrities, to operations against homosexuals, and then there's this huge issue, the hidden agenda.
00:45:51I'd like to go over it all because it's a mess, I mean, things piled on top of each other.
00:45:56But there are two main points I'm curious about.
00:46:00This is the Kozinoğlu issue.
00:46:02So there's always this kind of interpretation, and it's been around for quite some time.
00:46:07So, the AKP and these deep state structures collaborated to establish this regime.
00:46:12One side was caught for theft, the other for plotting a coup.
00:46:16But are these collaborations coming to an end as well?
00:46:20So, some interpret this as Erdoğan needing to get rid of this shackles in his new regime design, and he is getting rid of them.
00:46:29Because it was already done, thanks to Hasan Atilla Uğur.
00:46:33It's very strange, though; they're taking people as old as 86, philanthropists, people who support charity, to prison on stretchers, like Hasan.
00:46:43They are accusing Atilla Uğur of the following:
00:46:45So that was the prosecutor's claim, that was the reason for the detention.
00:46:49They are accusing him of intentional homicide, specifically of intentionally killing Kaşif Kozinoğlu.
00:46:54But they requested house arrest, out of respect for his age.
00:46:57But even this much, there's something going on on Perinçek's side, a kind of panic atmosphere.
00:47:06A month ago they were happy: "An operation was carried out against Süleyman Efendi's students; we are eradicating the roots of the religious communities."
00:47:13But now we have a regime that is heading in that direction.
00:47:17Is it correct to read it this way?
00:47:20Of course, Perinçek's side and some of the opposition are more than willing to blame the Gülen movement for this Kozinoğlu affair.
00:47:29Here is Ümit Özdağ's statement.
00:47:31"I know for sure that FETÖ did this," he says, and so on and so forth.
00:47:34But this is about touching Hasan Atilla Uğur because, let's remind those of our viewers who haven't been able to follow him closely.
00:47:42They were in the same cell with Hasan Atilla Uğur, the former deputy head of intelligence, gendarmerie intelligence, when he died; they were in the same cell.
00:47:56When Kozinoğlu died, and in a report he wrote for the National Intelligence Organization (MİT), he mentioned where the script for the TV series "Kurtlar Vadisi" (Valley of Wolves) came from, and provided interesting information about the state.
00:48:08He's leaving and stuff.
00:48:09In that incident, Kozinoğlu accused Hasan Atilla Uğur of being the source of the mysterious information here.
00:48:16And the Aydınlık group was one of the media outlets that first targeted Kozinoğlu.
00:48:23Okay, that was during Çiller's time?
00:48:26And one more note: after Hasan Atilla Uğur was released from prison, he became the vice president of the Aydınlık group, that is, Perinçek's deputy chairman, in the Vatan Party.
00:48:36'nde.
00:48:36I've shared a few notes on this complex subject.
00:48:39But how do you generally read this?
00:48:42Is this, as I said, the end of the deal between the deep state and the AKP, as many people are hoping, or is there something else?
00:48:51Is something wrong?
00:48:53Well, first of all, perhaps it would be useful to say this...
00:48:56Even though I hadn't followed it at all, after the Kozinoğlu case came to light...
00:49:03I've reached the point where I can't read anything anymore from the Valley of the Wolves posts on social media.
00:49:09This is the greatest harm that could be done to this country, and I'll tell you, it's a success for the ruling power.
00:49:13So they turned the country into a TV series called "Valley of the Wolves," and a group emerged in the country that conducts political analyses based on the coded messages of "Valley of the Wolves."
00:49:21I think we need to get out of this situation once and for all.
00:49:24This is the first one.
00:49:24Secondly, in Türkiye, both the process that started with Akın Şeyh and Akın Gürlek, and the earlier processes...
00:49:30In some way, at no stage of the opening of the files known as unsolved cases
00:49:37The goal is not to illuminate the target file.
00:49:40You'd have to be naive to think that.
00:49:42This regime should be completely ignored.
00:49:44One must have absolutely no knowledge of the stage Türkiye has reached.
00:49:47He doesn't even care.
00:49:48Look, we experienced this in the Hablemitoğlu murder case as well.
00:49:51The Hablemitoğlu murder case was the subject of days and weeks of debate regarding FETÖ (Gulenist Terrorist Organization).
00:49:56There was an argument about Cemal.
00:49:58People coming and going, blaming FETÖ for everything, for days and weeks on end.
00:50:04What happened to the file?
00:50:05It probably ended either in a compromise or a purge.
00:50:09It doesn't matter what happened, but it ended somehow.
00:50:12The file itself was not for resolving the case, but rather a tool for a purge, for a conflict.
00:50:19The Kozinoğlu story should be viewed entirely in that light.
00:50:23So, think about it, something that happened during the AKP's time in power—death, murder, assassination, whatever it may be.
00:50:30Akın Gürlek comes and says, "I'm opening all the files on unsolved murders."
00:50:35Below, in a story about a noble plant, something is being discussed.
00:50:39I wonder if that file will open.
00:50:41I think it's pretty clear that this is related to a staff purge.
00:50:46But is this group truly composed only of nationalists?
00:50:51I think that's debatable too.
00:50:53So, every time, they're trying to kill as many birds with one stone as possible.
00:50:59First, does a deep state core, as we know it, exist in Türkiye?
00:51:05I'm not sure about that.
00:51:07The components of the ruling coalition may include nationalist cadres, those with a nationalistic viewpoint, idealists, and others, but...
00:51:14On one side there is a deep state, and then there is the separation of powers, right down to its existence.
00:51:19Bülent Arınç used something to whitewash the actions of the ruling power, right up to his existence.
00:51:23It has been transformed into an instrument.
00:51:25Yes, among the components of this government are nationalists, represented by Perinçek or others.
00:51:30There was probably a reckoning with these things from time to time.
00:51:34What we know, whether it has been made public or not.
00:51:37It is highly likely to happen again in the future.
00:51:39But is this only related to, for example, the purge of Perinçek's team?
00:51:44Things might be a little different.
00:51:46There may be further purges.
00:51:47What kinds of things might it be, for example?
00:51:49Most of the operations carried out by Akın Gürley are similar to those in other operations as well.
00:51:55So, it is said that this is preparation for the post-Erdoğan era, not for himself, of course.
00:52:02Many things, according to journalists who are closely following the issue, refer to the relationship between Karşif Kozun's son and Hakan Fidan.
00:52:11So, Hakan Fidan, during his time as an undersecretary, held very active, very active positions.
00:52:17And there's that again.
00:52:19It seems he has a grudge against Hakan Fidan as well.
00:52:21Yes, that's what's said.
00:52:23Hakan Fidan reportedly dislikes him.
00:52:25Yes, Kozun became one.
00:52:26Moreover, Erdoğan's assets and the aforementioned, supposedly revealed, and allegedly belonging to Karşif Kozun are linked.
00:52:35The notes allegedly contain information about Erdoğan's assets in Switzerland.
00:52:41We don't know how true these claims are.
00:52:42But more important than the identity of the perpetrator, or on whose behalf the assassination was carried out, is what the target of the current operation is.
00:52:53It could be doing something.
00:52:54Here, in the later stages of the investigation, we need to see who they will reach, who they will neutralize, who they will show something to, who they will confront.
00:53:08And I can say this, of course, I don't want this to reach anyone, but the prison prosecutor or chief prosecutor at that time was a member of the Gülen movement.
00:53:16The fact that it was exported is not the main point, in my opinion.
00:53:20There's probably another score to settle there, and that's why I gave the example of the Habib-i Mitoğlu murder in every issue.
00:53:26This is a cover-up, a FETÖ controversy, they're presenting it to the public as if it were a FETÖ murder, but there's a possibility they're settling another score underneath.
00:53:33I think it's much higher.
00:53:35As I said, this could be related to Hakan Fidan, it could be related to the purge at MIT or other positions, things are getting a bit heated.
00:53:41It seems so.
00:53:42Perinçey, just like Hasan Atilla, is no small man when it comes to Hasan Atilla.
00:53:47Even touching her can be quite a threat.
00:53:51I can say something depending on where the investigation goes.
00:53:54One possible outcome is that if the case is closed, they could clear Hasan Atilla's name.
00:54:01They could impose a conviction if it's otherwise.
00:54:04But I think the goal shouldn't be limited to punishing Hasan Atilla alone; the idea of another post-Erdoğan reckoning should also be taken seriously.
00:54:18Meanwhile, I also have some new information that I shared this morning: Hasan Atilla Uğur, who was targeted again, had the 14-minute footage blacked out.
00:54:28about.
00:54:29There, Attila and his friends come to a common area, and so on.
00:54:35So, the fact that it was shared by Sabah is irrelevant, right?
00:54:39I don't know if you've seen this.
00:54:40How should this be read?
00:54:41Yes, yes, I saw it in the posts, I saw them sharing this information on social media.
00:54:45You know how the word "operation" fits so well that they use it as "they carried out an operation," referring to a media structure that is constantly carrying out operations?
00:54:53because,
00:54:54Because of her narrow constitution and the fact that she constantly undergoes operations, she blames everyone for it.
00:54:58And as I said, the thing here this morning is, how seriously can Perinçek be taken, and how seriously is his team taking him right now?
00:55:05He's a good fit, but Hasan Atilla Uğur seems like one of the toughest, most formidable men out there.
00:55:10One of the targeted individuals is from within the nationalist wing.
00:55:14But the possibility that the target is not limited to that, that is, what the target is, what the real target of this investigation is, I think, is somewhat unclear.
00:55:22I think we need to approach this more cautiously.
00:55:24Unfortunately, some of them, including the chief prosecutor, the prosecutor in charge of the prison, and the prison prosecutor, were arrested.
00:55:34Even if that were the case, I think it's more likely that this isn't the real story.
00:55:41You need to look at where it's going, and how far it's going to go.
00:55:45I also emphasized this point when we were discussing it on the last program.
00:55:48So there may be any reason for these operations, any of these reasons may be the real motivation, but one thing is clear, it's not a pursuit of justice.
00:55:58Definitely.
00:55:59Everyone should be sure of this, I think.
00:56:02Politics, whatever it wants to do, the palace, wherever it wants to go from here.
00:56:08I think one of the most important missions is this, Mr. Doğan, I don't know if you agree?
00:56:12So, I just said something, in 2018, when Erdoğan was the President of Türkiye, the time when he was a one-man ruler, diesel fuel cost 6 lira, well...
00:56:23Gasoline prices have exceeded 100 lira.
00:56:26I gave the rate; there's a 1548% increase.
00:56:30This doesn't exist anywhere else in the world.
00:56:32So, this increase has nothing to do with the rise in oil prices or anything like that.
00:56:36The European Union, European countries, and the world – Türkiye holds the record for inflation, okay?
00:56:43And when Erdoğan was proposing the presidential system, the system of presidents, he said, "I will solve all your problems, but I can't solve them all with this system."
00:56:50he said.
00:56:51So, beneath these operations...
00:56:52Make an impact, see the effect.
00:56:53Yes, exactly, right?
00:56:55Now, these operations are fundamental, and there might be other micro-level things like eliminating a certain team or so on.
00:57:02I think this is its most important mission.
00:57:05So, the main thing is not talking about this, the real big issue.
00:57:10So, Türkiye has collapsed economically, and it has collapsed legally.
00:57:14These operations are a great way to cover this up.
00:57:16So you take someone, like Haluk Levent, and he's talking about it in 3 days.
00:57:20It doesn't last very long, in other words.
00:57:22Kozinoğlu is being talked about now.
00:57:23Two or three months ago, Hablemitoğlu was being talked about.
00:57:27So what happened?
00:57:27Has anything become clear?
00:57:28It remains unclear.
00:57:28So this mission, this "look at the juggler" mission, is very important in my opinion.
00:57:34The blame falls on Akın Gürlük.
00:57:36Our viewers shouldn't miss this.
00:57:41One final point was Cemil Bayık's statements.
00:57:45I know you're following that issue closely as well.
00:57:47You also talk about this on your program with Mr. Yekdan.
00:57:51Cemil Bayık says that Cemil Bayık is from Kandil, he is one of the important figures of the PKK.
00:57:55They say they will not lay down their arms until Öcalan is free.
00:58:00He says this law won't be implemented either.
00:58:03How are we going to get out of this situation now?
00:58:05So, as I understood it, the approach coming from government circles and the palace was this:
00:58:09This framework law has already passed through parliament.
00:58:13For this to happen, MIT first needs to prepare a report, then the National Security Council needs to approve it, but what is that report based on?
00:58:21A decision will be made stating that the PKK has now laid down its arms and dissolved itself; you can be sure of that.
00:58:27After that, this law will be implemented.
00:58:30So, some PKK members in the mountains and in prison will be released, there will be some developments regarding Öcalan, and so on and so forth.
00:58:41Now, Cemil Bayık has completely reversed this agreement, this image that was painted for the public as we know it.
00:58:48He says that nothing will happen without securing Öcalan's freedom.
00:58:53In other words, this is the complete opposite of the image that this government, this palace, has painted for the Turkish public.
00:58:59So, if this continues, there will be no progress.
00:59:02Am I thinking incorrectly? How would you interpret this?
00:59:05Well, actually, Cemil Bayık says something else a little further on in the passage you quoted.
00:59:11He says, if the process moves forward, that's great.
00:59:16I'm paraphrasing. If progress isn't made, we're prepared for a bigger war.
00:59:20There you go.
00:59:21We are ready for a bigger war.
00:59:23And this statement itself lacks freedom from the actors in the process.
00:59:30They censored this part in the Freedom section.
00:59:32This expression, which is everywhere and even exists in reality, doesn't exist.
00:59:36This is immoral.
00:59:37It's not journalism or anything like that.
00:59:39This is acting like a bigot in the name of this government.
00:59:41I'm saying this clearly.
00:59:42This is acting like a bigot in the name of this government.
00:59:44I saw this statement on social media.
00:59:47Was this statement actually used?
00:59:49I noticed this expression is everywhere.
00:59:51Now, something that shows everything about what the process is.
00:59:55We lived through that period together.
00:59:56I say this repeatedly, even in 2013.
01:00:01Erdoğan is the leader who solved the Kurdish problem.
01:00:03The newspapers were running the headlines.
01:00:04Pro-government newspapers.
01:00:05Erdoğan is the leader who solved the Kurdish problem.
01:00:08It is now 2026.
01:00:10We have a process ahead of us that he calls a "terror-free Türkiye."
01:00:13This is, in Öcalan's words, the process of integrating Kurds into the state.
01:00:19In Professor Mümtezer's words, it's the process of turning Öcalan into a general.
01:00:23Justice will not come to Türkiye from here.
01:00:26Democracy will not come to Türkiye from here.
01:00:28Peace will not come to Türkiye from here.
01:00:30There is no such thing as a solution to the Kurdish problem from this perspective.
01:00:33It needs to be stated clearly.
01:00:36This is an illusion.
01:00:38Cengiz Çandar mentioned it last week.
01:00:40Cengiz Çandar said that it is necessary to distinguish between peace and democracy.
01:00:44Peace will come first, then democracy will follow.
01:00:46He's very good.
01:00:47Cengiz Çandar said last week that this is the PKK's disarmament process.
01:00:51He says it doesn't have an objective like solving the Kurdish problem.
01:00:55We need to put this lie, this illusion, aside.
01:00:57Cengiz Çandar, a member of the ruling party.
01:00:59This is what Cengiz Çandar, the author of The Mesopotamian Express, says.
01:01:02It doesn't have such a goal.
01:01:04This and that in the Middle East, etc.
01:01:07I've been trying to say this from day one.
01:01:09Developments in the Middle East over time are a side effect of this.
01:01:13In other words, it's a secondary objective, to put it more accurately.
01:01:16The goal of this process is to ensure the continuation of power, by holding Kurdish politics hostage in partnership with Öcalan, and making them a stakeholder in the regime.
01:01:24Öcalan seems quite comfortable with this.
01:01:26I mean, I'm doing a program together with my dear friend Yektan Türk Yılmaz, and I'll mention it in another program.
01:01:32I don't even raise every objection I might have there as a moderator.
01:01:36I can say this.
01:01:37Firstly, Öcalan has a very, very, very decisive leadership role over Kurdish politics, isn't there anything more to it?
01:01:45They call it leadership.
01:01:46Cemil Bayık also talks about leadership and all that, but the process, both in the previous period and in this period, involves the PKK structure in Europe,
01:01:54There were rumors of differences in expectations between Kandil, Öcalan, and some people within the Democracy Party.
01:02:02They've all disappeared now.
01:02:04He eliminated all of these, and that needs to be said.
01:02:07The situation has deteriorated to the point where, for years and years, the state itself has been saying that the PKK does not represent our Kurdish citizens.
01:02:18He does not represent the Kurds.
01:02:20He used to say that the PKK were just 3-5 bandits, thugs, and whatnot.
01:02:24Now the state itself says that the PKK and Öcalan represent all Kurds.
01:02:29He represents all Kurds in Türkiye.
01:02:30In fact, he represents all the Kurds in the center.
01:02:32And they are waiting for the Kurdish public to be convinced of this first.
01:02:35Then they try to convince Turkish public opinion.
01:02:37This isn't an easily persuasive process.
01:02:39I think there are two things that can be seen in what Cemil Bayık said.
01:02:44In that same speech, Cemil Bayık says that right now we don't have any direct contact with Kandil or İmralı.
01:02:51There are many claims that it is him.
01:02:53This is also true for those who represent the Kurds.
01:02:55He says we communicate our views through intermediaries and so on, and then he says something else there, that Cemil Bayık is, of course, the most hawkish one in Kandil.
01:03:03He was one of the names, and at one point, one of those said to be close to Iran.
01:03:07Cemil Bayık is such a profile, one of the most hawkish and powerful figures, and he says, "We met here in Kandil..."
01:03:14We discussed these views with Önder, we conveyed them to Önder Apo, and Önder Apo is generating a negotiation based on them, he says.
01:03:22It also creates a margin for negotiation, and that's something to consider.
01:03:27Even if Öcalan wanted to, if certain conditions weren't met, they are extremely good at stalling and so on.
01:03:35Because even if Öcalan were to completely agree with the state and the regime, the PKK could continue by changing its form, disguise, and name in certain areas.
01:03:45It is very likely that it will.
01:03:48Because PECAK has a connection to the PKK organization in Iran.
01:03:51They are explicitly stating that it is not included.
01:03:54PECAK itself says so.
01:03:55In fact, some people can even come to Türkiye saying, "Okay, we've laid down our arms," but the PKK's organizational structure and cadres there are included in PECAK.
01:04:02They say it's possible.
01:04:04The PKK received absolutely nothing, absolutely nothing, whether from Türkiye, Iraq, or Iran, we don't know.
01:04:11Regional conditions will show.
01:04:15It's not realistic to think that they will completely lay down their arms simply by saying, "We've accepted a Türkiye free from terrorism," or something similar.
01:04:23This contradicts the realities of the region, and contradicts the realities of the PKK itself.
01:04:27I believe that, at a minimum, Öcalan doesn't have any bargaining margin, if such a margin exists, and that he's not even a screenwriter.
01:04:35It's very important to see that he said things like, "We won't give up just to raise the stakes," while at the same time saying, "We are one of the parties to the negotiations."
01:04:46Okay, you can negotiate with Öcalan, and we will convey our views there as well, but we are also one of the parties to the negotiation, he says.
01:04:51It was pretty obvious that nothing would happen overnight, I mean, the MIT (National Intelligence Organization) would go, but what happened was they held a ceremony with all the pomp and circumstance.
01:04:59The PKK laid down its arms after 20 of its soldiers were captured.
01:05:02They expected us to believe that!
01:05:04They expected us to believe that, in other words.
01:05:06Moreover, this needs to be seen.
01:05:09But now, isn't the condition again that the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) will confirm that he has laid down his arms, and then MİT will write a report?
01:05:17The National Security Council will approve it, but in Bayık's statement, meaning that the matter will be resolved very quickly, within this framework law, which doesn't even mention the word "Kurd".
01:05:26That thing might not even be feasible.
01:05:30Indeed, the situation here could very quickly turn upside down, like the first thing that happened.
01:05:36So, that previous thing that caused chaos and bloodshed, then this first opening...
01:05:45I was worried that it might end up like that.
01:05:47Meanwhile, some Alevi intellectuals reacted quite strongly to these things.
01:05:54Why on earth are they bothered by this development?
01:06:01Actually, it's a long and very important issue, something we know from Öcalan, right?
01:06:08There's no need to go back any further.
01:06:09During the 2013 peace process, Öcalan's statement, which was read at the Nevruz rally in Diyarbakır, was reiterated: Öcalan's message was read at the Nevruz rally in Diyarbakır.
01:06:22We kept saying, "I guess Yalçın Akdoğan wrote this."
01:06:24The AKP rhetoric was, once again, very well-chosen.
01:06:27Öcalan does this very often.
01:06:29Back in the early 2000s, Öcalan used a more nationalist, Kemalist tone.
01:06:35For example, through Aysel Tuğluk, who was also a co-chair at that time.
01:06:41Regarding the issue concerning Alevis, Öcalan persistently states that Türkiye is openly Islamist, conservative, and Sunni supremacist.
01:06:50Some of what we're watching might be uncomfortable.
01:06:52I believe there is no doubt that this regime is Sunni supremacist.
01:06:56Idris is making a reference to Bitlis.
01:06:58Idris's Bitlis doesn't need anything lengthy.
01:07:01A Kurdish bureaucrat who collaborated with Yavuz Sultan Selim against the Alevis.
01:07:06He even says that.
01:07:08It wasn't about Mir or anything like that, they're talking about bureaucracy and all that.
01:07:10Now, Öcalan was using the example of İdris from Bitlis as a model.
01:07:16And of course, she really likes that.
01:07:18This has no positive resonance in the memory of Erdoğan, his regime, his ruling cadres, or the Alevis.
01:07:25Just think, they also objected to naming a bridge after Yavuz Sultan Selim, back then.
01:07:30Weren't there any other names in this country?
01:07:31Why are you giving it the name Yavuz Sultan Selim?
01:07:33Love as much as you want.
01:07:35Rejoice as much as the Sunnis want.
01:07:36This is something that exists in the collective memory of society.
01:07:39So there's no Sultan?
01:07:40Is there no other sultan?
01:07:41You'll give it another name that doesn't have that kind of style; you absolutely have to give it the name of the Sultan.
01:07:44Of course.
01:07:45Now, the reference to İdris's Bitlis is something Öcalan does frequently, and it's not the first time he's done it.
01:07:51Naturally, the genocide of Alevis, the massacre, whatever you prefer.
01:07:57In the Ottoman era, both before and after, we wanted to associate it with the Kızılbaş movement.
01:08:00Just think, the vast majority of Alevis in Türkiye are described as Kızılbaş.
01:08:05And the operation in which İdris from Bitlis was the perpetrator, the accomplice, and the one in which he collaborated with the Ottomans, was itself an operation against the Kızılbaş.
01:08:14If you present this as a model for the Kurds, the Alevis will be uncomfortable with it, and they already are.
01:08:21"We reject this," they said.
01:08:22Then, I believe it was yesterday or the day before, Öcalan made a new statement to the delegation that went to İmralı.
01:08:28"Oh no, that's exactly what I said," he said, and actually, he said something even more serious.
01:08:32I prefer not to use this expression too often, but Öcalan's megalomania is evident there.
01:08:39What I'm proposing isn't just for Kurds, it's something like liberation for Kurdish Alevis as well.
01:08:46It's impossible for Alevis not to be disturbed by this.
01:08:49Moreover, there's something else, some of our viewers probably already know this.
01:08:53There are also viewers who are unaware of this.
01:08:55Something that requires special attention.
01:08:56The vast majority of Kurds in Türkiye are Sunni, with some being Shafi'i and others Alevi.
01:09:04Among the Zaza and Kurmanji people, there are Alevi Kurds.
01:09:07They are particularly concentrated in certain cities.
01:09:10In Türkiye, probably in numerical terms, I saw some statistics on this recently.
01:09:13A large portion of Alevis are Turkmen, Turkish, non-Turkish, and they react in the same way.
01:09:22So, they exhibit similar, if not identical, then similar reflexes regarding Sunni oppression of Alevis.
01:09:29Therefore, Öcalan's reminder of Idris, if he's finished, and his reminder of Yavuz Sultan Selim, bothered the Alevis.
01:09:38There were around 50 Alevi intellectuals initially, and subsequently, over 100 Alevi intellectuals rightly reacted.
01:09:44Because we're talking about something that is independent of what it historically was.
01:09:49Idris of Bitlis does not resonate fondly in the memory of the Alevis.
01:09:53What happened historically is debatable.
01:09:56I don't think there's even room for debate, but Yavuz Sultan Selim doesn't sound good in the memory of the Alevis.
01:10:02It's not a good sound, in other words.
01:10:04Therefore, those references are disturbing, and Öcalan is probably pleased with them, with what the government and the regime like.
01:10:10The attribution of Idris to Bitlis, which pleased at least a significant portion of the stakeholders in power, was actually being made every time.
01:10:16I think that reaction is actually very healthy.
01:10:20I hope they don't go down that path.
01:10:21Moreover, Erdoğan himself and Bahçeli himself have a projection of wanting a Kurd, an Alevi, or some other kind of vice president.
01:10:31Speaking at a time when he could open the door to a very dangerous course of events is a risky move.
01:10:34Yes, so this objection from the Alevis is important.
01:10:38We knew that there were many Alevis and people of Alevi origin within the Kurdish movement or the PKK.
01:10:45But there was both Cemil Bay's statement and Bahçeli's statement regarding Nagi Analçı.
01:10:51A luxury villa has been built on İmralı Island.
01:10:56But it doesn't go there.
01:10:57Because they want status, they think they can't pass without status, and so on.
01:11:01Actually, that's the end of the matter.
01:11:04It also shows, to some extent, that the so-called agreement between the state and Öcalan is just a story.
01:11:09So, this is true both from the message from Cemil Bayık and from what Bahçeli himself said.
01:11:13So, things like, "If you don't give me status, I won't move to the place where you've diminished me," and so on.
01:11:17This shows that negotiations are ongoing.
01:11:19Of course, to those who believe that the Kurdish issue can be resolved when there isn't even a trace of democracy left in Türkiye, all I can say is good morning.
01:11:30I wish you a good night's sleep.
01:11:31So, would you take a look at the Üsküdar Municipality in Istanbul?
01:11:34The mayor of Üsküdar is currently in prison.
01:11:36The mayor of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality has been in prison for over a year.
01:11:41So, in this kind of environment, we are trying to address the Kurdish issue and the PKK.
01:11:45So right now, Öcalan's rights take precedence over Ekrem İmamoğlu's rights.
01:11:51So, this Turkish anomaly was created by the AKP.
01:11:56The AKP, Bahçeli, and all their partners in this.
01:11:59Selahattin Demirtaş, in the context of the Kurdish issue.
01:12:02Selahattin Demirtas.
01:12:02Exactly.
01:12:03So, he's in prison.
01:12:06Öcalan is not talked about as much as the problem is.
01:12:07So now there's something very strange.
01:12:11These things, directed at the Hizmet Movement or the Gülen Movement, however we want to call them, have been going on for 10-13 years.
01:12:21So, the older generation is now picking fights with the younger generation.
01:12:26They are waiting for the 11-year-old children to reach a certain age on July 15th.
01:12:32Then they carry out an operation on them.
01:12:33There are no words to describe this vileness, this lawlessness, this immorality.
01:12:38But this thing was very striking.
01:12:41It is related to the Furkan Foundation.
01:12:43Now Alparslan Kuitul has made a statement regarding that matter.
01:12:48He criticized what was done to Süleyman Efendi's students.
01:12:52So, this is about Alihan Kuriş and his friends, the seizure of companies and all that.
01:12:57Then Saral, a presidential advisor from the palace, said something like, "You'll see what happens to you."
01:13:03They performed the operation the next day.
01:13:06I'd like to briefly note down what happened after that.
01:13:08Now they've placed this man, Alparslan Kuitul, and his wife in separate locations.
01:13:16The family couldn't find out where they were for a long time.
01:13:20They couldn't find it for hours.
01:13:21They placed one of them, Alparslan Kuitul, in Erzurum, and his wife in Diyarbakır.
01:13:27They took their lawyers away, they detained them.
01:13:31They confiscated his pension.
01:13:33Meryem Kuitul's daughter is saying.
01:13:36"We are five siblings, we have nothing else," he says.
01:13:38This mainstream media did this, they made up sensationalist news stories like "her gold was found," "it was in her bedroom," and so on.
01:13:47After that, they didn't give him a prayer rug or a Quran, Alparslan Kuitul.
01:13:52And she'd been living with the same thing for a month.
01:13:56What is it about the dress?
01:13:57They don't provide clothes.
01:13:58So, there weren't things like that during the February 28th process, Mr. Doğan.
01:14:03You lived through that period, and so did I.
01:14:06So what is the point of all this nastiness?
01:14:08Can you take a look?
01:14:09Look at the illegalities step by step.
01:14:13I honestly can't find the words to say.
01:14:16But I'm also sad that I was surprised.
01:14:18Why are you surprised?
01:14:18What is this?
01:14:21It belonged to Süleymanlı, but it's been forgotten by now.
01:14:23Yes, well, the issue we were just discussing is very related.
01:14:29I don't think we've fully understood the existing regime in Türkiye.
01:14:33So he was always trying to talk like that.
01:14:35So, sir, we do have some problems, but that's not the case with our country and all that.
01:14:39The regime changed.
01:14:40There is a legal system in Türkiye that dates back to July 15th.
01:14:43The July 15th legal framework and, quite clearly, the Gülen movement were the subject of exemplary operations; I'm not even mentioning other things.
01:14:50So, this process against the Kurds, which they now call "terrorist Türkiye," had already been going on for a long time.
01:14:59We just discussed the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality investigation targeting all opposition groups.
01:15:03A new legal framework was established following the July 15th events.
01:15:05These are areas where enemy law exists, or perhaps not even enemy law exists.
01:15:11Even enemy law, or rather, even enemy law, has a legal basis.
01:15:16This isn't even that.
01:15:16I forgot to include a correct item.
01:15:18I forgot something on that list, this Meryem Hanım, she's the daughter of...
01:15:21He's saying these ridiculous things.
01:15:23His account has been blocked.
01:15:25Can you take a look?
01:15:27Absolutely, absolutely, I saw it.
01:15:31I've seen their posts before, too.
01:15:32He speaks with great composure.
01:15:34And let me also say this about Alparslan Kuitulu himself.
01:15:37So, in my opinion, only this one statement is important.
01:15:42If there is oppression, should I say there isn't?
01:15:45Religious scholars who do not oppose oppression, a religious understanding that does not oppose oppression, an understanding of Islam that does not oppose oppression.
01:15:52It is alienating people from religion, from religious teachers, and from Islam itself.
01:15:56"There is oppression, and I say there is oppression," he says.
01:15:59That's all there is to it.
01:16:02This is the reason for the treatment Alparslan Kuitulu, his family, and his loved ones have received.
01:16:07We know this from the Gülen Movement, and I said we know this from the Kurds.
01:16:10We know this from previous left-wing groups.
01:16:12But the stage we've reached, that's what I meant when I talked about the legal aspects of July 15th.
01:16:16So I'm saying he needs to say this every time.
01:16:19He said this during the time of a military prosecutor who was handling the September 12 trials.
01:16:24In his commentary on the period after July 15.
01:16:28Even back then, during the coup period, in military courts, we tried to comply with the law.
01:16:35Now they don't even feel the need to comply with the law.
01:16:39It's important to acknowledge that this is the point we've reached.
01:16:41They don't even feel the need to obey the law.
01:16:43People are being threatened in every way: with their families, spouses, children, mothers, fathers, possessions, and property.
01:16:51He is being forced to pledge allegiance.
01:16:53And because he acted with great resilience, and also in his own words, in Alparslan Kurtuluş's own words,
01:17:00By saying "I am a teacher who opposes oppression," one can fit this profile of a teacher in this wretched country.
01:17:06I'm saying this for people who define themselves as religious or conservative.
01:17:11This is a source of shame.
01:17:12Not a single soul has come forward to say this.
01:17:14This is what happens to those who leave as well.
01:17:16But I'm saying this because he displayed the profile of a dignified, honorable figure, a religious leader, a scholar.
01:17:25I truly believe he deserves all the praise he can get.
01:17:27Yes, I mean, Mehmet Görmez and all the sects, communities, and teachers are involved in this disgrace; if I were to make a list, that item would actually include only one party.
01:17:40It's even worse than what was done during that period.
01:17:42We know that after February 28th, during the single-party era, Master Bediüzzaman and his students were persecuted – in many prisons, exiles, and poisonings.
01:17:54They have made attempts and so on.
01:17:55But for example, there's no touching their spouses, no canceling their pensions, no refusing to give someone a prayer mat or a Quran.
01:18:04And when we say this, we are not becoming members of the Furkan Foundation or Alparslan Kuitul.
01:18:10So they do this to gay people, they do this to artists, they do this to mayors, they do this to everyone.
01:18:16Perhaps we need to call this regime by its proper name.
01:18:20So now it has become a fascist, Islamo-fascist regime that also uses religion.
01:18:28If you'll allow me to add one more sentence, it comes to this: if we're going to name these religious groups, communities, sects, and so on, every media outlet...
01:18:37I think this is a very good story that shows Erdoğan's own approach and that of his regime, primarily Erdoğan's own approach.
01:18:44Alparslan Kuitul is in prison for saying there is oppression; this is the umpteenth time he's been imprisoned, and you've described what kind of treatment he's been subjected to.
01:18:53Now, in the 17-25 December tapes, there was that audio recording, right?
01:18:58Brother, let me make a grandpa call, brother, someone is talking to Erdoğan.
01:19:07"What's a grandfather, anyway? What is a grandfather, anyway? Hey, should I do it?"
01:19:12The person speaking was the head of a religious community at the time, the leader of a religious community.
01:19:20So, it's like, the ball would start...
01:19:22The ball would start, the ball would start.
01:19:23Yes, the ball would start.
01:19:25We don't see a single line about these disgraceful things.
01:19:28Because Erdoğan wants a religious leader who will make him a bidet.
01:19:33He wants a religious leader who says, "Brother, should I make one for you too?"
01:19:36Because he didn't want anyone who stood tall with honor and dignity, the last Alparslan Kuitulum and, before him, the students of Süleyman Efendi...
01:19:44There is no other explanation for what happened to him.
01:19:46If they had pledged allegiance, if they had pledged allegiance, he would take his thing and parade it around, right?
01:19:52He would take them to Ahlat, to celebrations, to Malazgirt, and so on and so forth, taking them around with him.
01:19:58All of this is happening simply because they refused to pledge allegiance.
01:20:00Yes, actually, I also have a sentence to add here.
01:20:04You know, that community is the segment of Türkiye that suffered oppression under the first Erdoğan regime,
01:20:13Let's talk about the travelers.
01:20:15The Gezi protesters may have faced this oppression even before the religious community.
01:20:19Then the congregation arrived.
01:20:21Now, the community includes many segments of society in Türkiye, including people who defend the rule of law and democracy,
01:20:27Liberals, and some progressive circles as well.
01:20:30Actually, the government was saying, "They did this and that, and that's why this is happening to them."
01:20:37Is it ok?
01:20:37So, after all that has happened, some people who were formerly associated with the Hizmet movement are still saying these things.
01:20:46Day and night, the congregation did this and that.
01:20:48So, what happened to the Furkan Foundation, what happened to the Süleymanlıs,
01:20:52When you look at what happened to the Mayor of Üsküdar, for example,
01:20:56They need to see that this way of speaking is wrong.
01:20:59So, you don't need to commit a wrongdoing or a crime against this regime to incur its wrath.
01:21:04Everyone needs to understand this very clearly.
01:21:07This does not mean that Ekrem İmamoğlu, or the Süleymanlıs, or some people from the Hizmet movement are not at fault.
01:21:14He may have made mistakes, but these atrocities are not related to those mistakes.
01:21:19This is related to the nature of the regime.
01:21:22Hopefully, this will give everyone the opportunity to see it.
01:21:25But I see that he's not seen very often, and that makes me very sad.
01:21:28For example, this is what the Erdoğan regime started with the operations against the Süleymanlıs.
01:21:32All the left-wing media were united, they were together on the front lines.
01:21:38How sad.
01:21:39So why can't you see that this isn't a legally based operation?
01:21:44Okay, you might not like the Fırkan Foundation, the Süleymanlıs, the Gülen group, etc.
01:21:50But when injustice happens, you have to speak out.
01:21:53Otherwise, the same bomb will fall on you tomorrow.
01:21:55You will face the same disgrace again.
01:21:58There's so much that's sad, so many things that make us sad, but this is one of the things that saddens me the most.
01:22:03Despite everything, this moment of enlightenment never seems to happen.
01:22:07Thank you very much, Mr. Doğan.
01:22:09As always, you've enlightened those of us who follow me with your valuable insights.
01:22:16You're welcome, thank you very much.
01:22:18I thank him for the invitation.
01:22:19Yes, it would have been good if Professor Efe Çaman had been there too, but I guess...
01:22:25Yes, Professor Efe Çaman's absence is deeply felt.
01:22:28Our viewers will feel it too, and I'm sure there will be lots of comments.
01:22:32Why isn't Professor Efe here, brother?
01:22:33Yes, why is Professor Efe...
01:22:36I guess we didn't connect technically.
01:22:38So he must have a good excuse.
01:22:41We also send our greetings, from the viewers and from us, to Professor Efe.
01:22:45Until we meet again in a new hourglass.
01:22:48I say goodbye.
01:22:49Goodbye.